The
Great Revival of 1740-45 (cont)
part 3 Part
1, Part
2, Part
3
The various bodily
exercises which attended the Western revivals
in our own country, in the early part of the
present century, were of the same nature, and
obeyed precisely the same laws. They began
with what was called the falling exercise;
that is, the person affected would fall on the
ground helpless as an infant. This was soon
succeeded, in many places, by a species of
convulsions called the jerks. Sometimes it
would affect the whole body, jerking it
violently from place to place, regardless of
all obstacles; at others, a single limb would
be thus agitated. When the neck was attacked,
the head would be thrown backwards and
forwards with the most fearful rapidity. There
were various other forms in which this disease
manifested itself, such as whirling, rolling,
running, and jumping. These exercises were
evidently involuntary. They were highly
infectious, and spread rapidly from place to
place; often seizing on mere spectators, and
even upon those who abhorred and dreaded
them.* Another characteristic of these
affections, whether occurring among pagans,
papists, or Protestants, and which goes to
prove their identity, is, that they all yield
to the same treatment. As they arise from
impressions on the nervous system through the
imagination, the remedy is addressed to the
imagination. It consists in removing the
exciting causes, that is, withdrawing the
patient from the scenes and contemplations
which produced the disease; or in making a
strong counter-impression, either through
fear, shame, or sense of duty. The
possessions, as they were called, in the south
of France, were put a stop to by the wisdom
and firmness of certain bishops, who insisted
on the separation and seclusion of all the
affected.
* Biblical Repertory,
1834, p. 351.- An intelligent physician, who
had many opportunities of personal
observation, gives the following account of
these singular exercises: "Different
persons are variously affected. Some rise to
their feet and spin round like a top; while
others dance till they fall down exhausted.
Some throw back their heads with convulsive
laughter, while others, drowned in tears,
break forth in sighs and lamentations. Some
fall from their seats in a state of
insensibility, and lie for hours without
consciousness; while others are affected with
violent convulsions resembling epilepsy.
During the convulsive paroxysm, recollection
and sensation are but little impaired; a
slight stupor generally supervenes. The animal
functions are not much interrupted; the pulse
is natural; the temperature is that of health
throughout the paroxysm. After it has
subsided, there is a soreness of the muscles,
and a slight pain in the head, which soon pass
away." On another occasion, a strange
nervous agitation, which had for some time, to
the great scandal of religion, seized
periodically on all the members of a convent,
was arrested by the magistrates bringing up a
company of soldiers, and threatening with
severe punishment the first who should
manifest the least symptom of the affection.*
The same method has often been successfully
resorted to.# In like manner the convulsions
attending revivals have been prevented or
arrested, by producing the conviction that
they were wrong or disgraceful. They hardly
ever appeared, or at least continued, where
they were not approved and encouraged. In
Northampton, where Edwards rejoiced over them,
they were abundant; in Boston, where they were
regarded as "blemishes," they had
nothing of them. In Sutton, Massachusetts,
they were "cautiously guarded
against," and consequently never
appeared, except among strangers from other
congregations.## Only two or three cases
occurred in Elizabethtown, under President
Dickinson, who considered them as
"irregular heats," and those few
were speedily regulated. There was nothing of
the kind at Freehold, where William Tennent
set his face against all such manifestations
of enthusiasm. On the other hand, they
followed Davenport and other fanatical
preachers, almost wherever they went. In
Scotland, they were less encouraged than they
were here, and consequently prevailed less. In
England, where Wesley regarded them as
certainly from God, they were fearful both as
to frequency, and violence. The same thing was
observed with regard to the agitations
attending the Western revivals. The physician
already quoted, says: "Restraint often
prevents a paroxysm.
* Dictionnaire des
Sciences Médicales. Article Convulsionnaire.#
It was by an appeal to the principle of shame,
that the frequent suicides among the young
women of Miletus were prevented. Under the
influence of an epidemic alienation,'
according to Plutarch, the young females hung
themselves in great numbers; but when the
magistrates threatened the disgraceful
exposure of the body of the next felo de se,
the epidemic was arrested. A similar
alienation, which had seized the women in a
portion of the department of Simplon, was
cured by a strong appeal to their moral sense
and religious feelings. ## Christian history,
vol.
ii. p. 168. For example,
persons always attacked by this affection in
churches where it is encouraged, will be
perfectly calm in churches where it is
discouraged, however affecting may be the
service, and however great the mental
excitement."* It is also worthy of
consideration that these bodily affections are
of frequent occurrence at the present day,
among those who continue to desire and
encourage them. It appears, then, that these
nervous agitations are of frequent occurrence
in all times of strong excitement. It matters
little whether the excitement arise from
superstition, fanaticism, or from the
preaching of the truth. If the imagination be
strongly affected, the nervous system is very
apt to be deranged, and outcries, faintings,
convulsions, and other hysterical symptoms,
are the consequence. That these effects are of
the same nature, whatever may be the remote
cause, is plain, because the phenomena are the
same; the apparent circumstances of their
origin the same; they all have the same
infectious nature, and are all cured by the
same means. They are, therefore, but different
forms of the same disease ; and, whether they
occur in a convent or a camp-meeting, they are
no more a token of the divine favour than
hysteria or epilepsy. It may still be said,
that, although they do sometimes arise from
other causes, they may be produced by genuine
religious feeling. This, however, never can be
proved. The fact that undoubted Christians
experience these effects, is no proof that
they flow from a good source; because there is
always a corrupt mixture in the exercises of
the most spiritual men. These affections may,
therefore, flow from the concomitants of
genuine religious feelings, and not from those
feelings themselves.
* The characteristic now
under consideration did not escape the
accurate observation of Edwards, though it
failed to disclose to him the true nature of
these nervous agitations. "It is
evident," he says, "from experience,
that custom has a strange influence in these
things. If some person conducts them, that
much countenances and encourages such
manifestations of great affections, they
naturally and insensibly prevail, and grow by
degrees unavoidable; but afterwards, when they
come under another kind of conduct, the manner
of external appearances will strongly alter.
It is manifest that example and custom have
some way or other a secret and unsearchable
influence upon those actions which are
involuntary, in different places, and in the
same place at different times."
- Thoughts on the
Revival. Works, vol. iv. p. 232. And that they
do in fact flow from that source, may be
assumed, because in other cases they certainly
have that origin; and because all the known
effects of true religious feelings are of a
different character. Those apprehensions of
truth which arise from divine illumination, do
not affect the imagination, but the moral
emotions, which are very different in their
nature and effects from the feelings produced
by a heated fancy. This view of the subject is
greatly confirmed by the consideration, that
there is nothing in the Bible to lead us to
regard these bodily affections as the
legitimate effects of religious feeling. No
such results followed the preaching of Christ,
or his apostles. We bear of no general
outcries, faintings, convulsions, or ravings
in the assemblies which they addressed. The
scriptural examples cited by the apologists of
these exhibitions are so entirely
inapplicable, as to be of themselves
sufficient to show how little countenance is
to be derived from the Bible for such
irregularities. Reference is made, for
example, to the case of the jailer at
Philippi, who fell down at the apostles' feet;
to Acts ii. 37, ("Now when they heard
this, they were pricked in their heart, and
said, Men and brethren, what shall we do
?") and to the conversion of Paul. It is,
however, too obvious to need remark, that in
no one of these cases was either the effect
produced, or the circumstances attending its
production, analogous to the hysterical
convulsions and outcries now under
consideration. The testimony of the Scriptures
is not merely negative on this subject. Their
authority is directly opposed to all such
disorders. They direct that all things should
be done decently and in order. They teach us
that God is not the God of confusion, but of
peace, in all the churches of the saints.
These passages have particular reference to
the manner of conducting public worship. They
forbid every thing which is inconsistent with
order, solemnity, and devout attention. It is
evident that loud outcries and convulsions are
inconsistent with these things, and therefore
ought to be discouraged. They cannot come from
God, for he is not the author of confusion.
The apology made in Corinth for the disorders
which Paul condemned, was precisely the same
as that urged in defense of these bodily
agitations. We ought not to resist the Spirit
of God, said the Corinthians; and so said all
those who encouraged these convulsions. Paul's
answer was, that no influence which comes from
God destroys our self-control. "The
spirits of the prophets are subject to the
prophets." Even in the case of direct
inspiration and revelation, the mode of
communication was in harmony with our rational
nature, and left our powers under the control
of reason and the will. The man, therefore,
who felt the divine afflatus had no right to
give way to it, under circumstances which
would produce noise and confusion. The
prophets of God were not like the raving
Pythoness of the heathen temples; nor are the
saints of God converted into whirling
dervishes by any influence of which be is the
author. There can be little doubt that Paul
would have severely reprobated such scenes as
frequently occurred during the revival of
which we are speaking. He would have said to
the people substantially, what he said to the
Corinthians. If any unbeliever or ignorant man
come to your assemblies, and hear one shouting
in ecstacy, another howling in anguish; if he
see some falling, some jumping, some lying in
convulsions, others in trances, will be not
say, Ye are mad ? But if your exercises are
free from confusion, and your discourses
addressed to the reason, so as to convince and
reprove, he will confess that God is among you
of a truth. Experience, no less than
Scripture, has set the seal of reprobation
upon these bodily agitations. If they are of
the nature of an infectious nervous disease,
it is as much an act of infatuation to
encourage them, as to endeavor to spread
epilepsy over the land. It is easy to excite
such things, but when excited, it is very
difficult to suppress them, or to arrest their
progress; and they have never prevailed
without the most serious mischief. They bring
discredit upon religion, they give great
advantage to infidels and gainsayers, and they
facilitate the progress of fanaticism. When
sanctioned, the people delight in them, as
they do in all strong excitement. The
multitude of spurious conversions, the
prevalence of false religion, the rapid
progress of fanaticism, and the consequent
permanent declension of religion immediately
after the great revival, are probably to be
attributed to the favour shown to these bodily
agitations, as much as to any one cause.
Besides the errors above specified, which were
sanctioned by many of the best friends of the
revival, there were others which, though
reprobated by the more judicious, became,
through the patronage of the more ardent,
prolific sources of evil. There was from the
first a strong leaven of enthusiasm,
manifesting, itself in the regard paid to
impulses, inspirations, visions, and the
pretended power of discerning spirits. This
was decidedly opposed by Edwards,* by the
Boston clergy, by Tennent, and many others.
Whitefield, on the contrary, was, especially
in the early part of his career, deeply
infected with this leaven. When he visited
Northampton, in 1740, Edwards endeavored to
convince him of the dangerous tendency of this
enthusiastic spirit, but without much
success.# He had such an idea of what the
Scriptures mean by the guidance of the Spirit,
as to suppose that by suggestions,
impressions, or sudden recollection of texts
of the Bible, the Christian's duty was
divinely revealed, even as to the minutest
circumstance, and that at times even future
events were thus made known. On the strength
of such an impression he did not hesitate
publicly to declare that his unborn child
would prove to be a son.## "An
unaccountable but very strong
impression," that he should preach the
gospel, was regarded as a revelation of the
purpose of God respecting him.§
The question whether he
should return to England was settled to his
satisfaction, by the occurrence to his mind of
the passage, When Jesus was returned, the
people gladly received him."$ These few
examples are enough to illustrate the point in
hand. In Whitefield there was much to
counteract the operation of this spirit, which
in others produced its legitimate effects.
When Davenport was asked by the Boston
ministers the reason of any of his acts, his
common reply was, God commanded me.
* Thoughts on the
Revival, Works, vol. iv. p. 180.# Life of
Edwards, p. 147.## Gillies' Life of
Whitefield, p. 63.§ Whitefield's account of
his own Life, p.
11. $Journal from
Savannah to England, p. 28.
When asked whether he
wag inspired, be answered, they might call it
inspiration, or what they pleased. The man who
attended him he called his armor-bearer,
because he was led to take him as a follower,
by opening on the story of Jonathan and his
armor-bearer. He considered it also as
revealed, that be should convert as many
persons at a certain place, as Jonathan and
his armor-bearer slew of the Philistines.
*Chauncey's Seasonable Thoughts, p. 196-198.
This was the only one of the forms in which
this spirit manifested itself. Those under its
influence pretended to a power of discerning
spirits, of deciding at once who was and who
was not converted; they professed a perfect
assurance of the favour of God, founded not
upon scriptural evidence, but inward
suggestion. It is plain that when men thus
give themselves up to the guidance of secret
impressions, and attribute divine authority to
suggestions, impulses, and casual occurrences,
there is no extreme of error or folly to which
they may not be led. They are beyond the
control of reason or the word of God. They
have a more direct and authoritative
communication of the divine will than can be
made by any external and general revelation.
They of course act as if inspired and
infallible. They are commonly filled with
spiritual pride, and with a bitter
denunciatory spirit. All these results were
soon manifested to a lamentable extent during
this revival. If an honest man doubted his
conversion, he was declared unconverted. If
any one was filled with great joy, he was
pronounced a child of God. These enthusiasts
paid great regard to visions and trances, and
would pretend in them to have seen heaven or
hell, and particular persons in the one or the
other. They paid more attention to inward
impressions than to the word of God. They laid
great stress on views of an outward Christ, as
on a throne, or upon the cross. If they did
not feel a. minister's preaching, they
maintained he was unconverted, or legal. They
made light of all meetings in which there was
no external commotion. They had a remarkable
haughtiness and self-sufficiency, and a fierce
and bitter spirit of zeal and censoriousness
(Trumbull's History, vol. ii. p. 169; whose
account is here abridged).. The origin and
progress of this fanatical spirit is one of
the most instructive portions of the history
of this period. In 1726, a religious
excitement commenced in New Milford,
Connecticut, which was at first of a promising
character. but was soon perverted. Its
subjects opened a communication with the
enthusiasts of Rhode Island, and began to
speak slightly of the Bible, especially of the
Psalms of David, and to condemn the ministers
of the gospel and civil magistrates. The
organized themselves into a separate society,
and appointed officers not only to conduct
their meetings, but to regulate their dress.
They made assurance essential to faith; they
undervalued human learning, and despised the
ordinances of baptism and the Lord's supper.
They laid claim to sinless perfection, and
claimed that the standing ministers were unfit
to preach, and that the people ought to leave
them.( Letter of the Rev. D. Boardman, pastor
of the church at New Milford, dated, 1742, and
printed in Chauncey's Seasonable Thoughts, p.
202.) One of the leaders of this company was a
man named Ferris, who entered Yale College in
1729. A contemporary writer says of this
gentleman, He told me be was certain not one
in ten of the communicants in the church in
New Haven could be saved; that he should have
a higher seat in heaven than Moses; that he
knew the will of God in all things, and had
not committed any sin for six years. He bid a
proud and haughty spirit, and appeared greatly
desirous of applause. He obtained a great
ascendancy over certain of the students,
especially Davenport, Wheelock, and Pomeroy,
who lived with him most familiarly. He
remained in college until 1732, and then
returned to New Milford. He ultimately became
a Quaker preacher. (Chauncey, p. 212-15) Such
was the origin of that enthusiastical and
fanatical spirit, which swept over the New
England churches. Messrs. Wheelock and Pomeroy
seem soon to have escaped from its influence ;
but Davenport remained long under its power,
and was the cause of incalculable mischief. He
was settled as pastor of the church in
Southhold, Long Island. In March, 1740, he
became satisfied that God had revealed to him
that his kingdom was coming with great power,
and that he had an extraordinary call to labor
for its advancement. He assembled his people
on one occasion, and addressed them,
continuously, for nearly twenty-four hours;
until he became quite wild.(Chauncey, p. 189.)
After continuing for some time his exciting
labors in his own neighborhood, he passed over
into Connecticut. The best and most favour
able account of his erratic course, is given
by the Rev. Mr. Fish, (Sermons, p. 116.) who
knew him intimately. The substance of this
account, given nearly in the language of its
author, is as follows. The good things about
him, says this writer, were, that he was a
fast friend of the doctrines of grace; fully
declaring the total depravity, the deplorable
wretchedness and danger, and utter inability
of men by the fall. He preached with great
earnestness the doctrines of man's dependence
on the sovereign mercy of God; of
regeneration; of justification by faith,
&c. The things that were evidently and
dreadfully wrong about him were, that he not
only gave full liberty to noise and outcries,
but promoted them with all his power. When
these things prevailed among the people,
accompanied with bodily agitations, the good
man pronounced them tokens of the presence of
God. Those who passed immediately from great
distress to great joy, he declared, after
asking them a few questions, to be converts;
though numbers of such converts, in a short
time, returned to their old way of living, and
were as carnal, wicked, and void of
experience, as ever they were. He was a great
favour er of visions, trances, imaginations,
and powerful impressions in others, and made
such inward feelings the rule of his own
conduct in many respects. He greatly
encouraged lay exhorters, who were soon, in
many cases, preferred by the people to the
letter-learned rabbis, scribes, pharisees, and
unconverted ministers, phrases which the good
man would frequently use with such peculiar
marks not only of odium, but of indication, as
served to destroy the confidence of the people
in their ministers. The worst thing, however,
was his bold and daring enterprise of going
through the country to examine all the
ministers in private, and then publicly
declaring his judgment of their spiritual
state. This he did wherever he could be
admitted to examine them. Some that be
examined, (though for aught that appeared as
godly as himself,) were pronounced in his
public prayer, immediately after the
examination, to be unconverted. Those who
refused to be examined, were sure to suffer
the same fate. By this tremendous step many
people, relying on his judgment, were assured
they had unconverted -ministers; others became
jealous of their pastors; and all were told by
this wild man, that they had as good eat
ratsbane as hear an unconverted minister. In
his zeal to destroy idolatry, that is, pride
in dress, he prevailed upon a number of his
followers in New London, to cast into a fire,
prepared for the purpose, each his idol.
Whereupon some article of dress, or some
ornament, was by each stripped off and
committed to the flames. In like zeal to root
out heresy, a number of religious books, some
of them of real excellence, were cast into the
fire.* When he visited Saybrook in August,
1741, he requested Mr. Hart to grant him the
use of his pulpit. Mr. Hart replied, that he
wished to know, before he could decide on his
application, whether he had denounced many of
his fathers and brethren in the ministry as
unconverted. He said he had, and that his
object was the purification of the church, and
that he freely urged the people not to attend
the ministry of those whom he had thus judged.
The pulpit was of course refused him. He then
rose and calling to his adherents, said, Come,
let us go forth without the camp, after the
Lord Jesus, bearing his reproach. Oh this is
pleasant to suffer reproach for the blessed
Jesus, sweet Jesus!# How true to nature this
is!
* Among the books thus
consumed were Beveridge's Thoughts on
Religion; part of Flavel's works; one piece of
Dr. Increase Mather's, one of Dr. Colman's,
&c. &e. Another contemporary gives us
an illustration of his manner in the following
account. On one occasion, having made a
fervent address, he called all the distressed
into the foremost seats. he then came out of
the pulpit and stripped off his upper
garments, got up on the seats, and leapt up
and down for some time, and clapped his hands,
and cried out in these words: The war goes on;
the fight goes on; the devil goes down, the
devil goes down. And he took himself to
stamping and screaming most dreadfully."
Chauncey, P. 99. # Chauncey, p. 154, where the
account of this interview, signed by Mr. Hart
and four other persons, is given at length.
The man who was going about the country
denouncing ministers, and overturning
congregations, complains Of persecution,
because a pastor shuts his pulpit against him.
Mr. Davenport went to Boston in June, 1742. He
attended the morning service upon the Sabbath,
but in the afternoon absented himself
"from an apprehension of the minister's
being unconverted, which," says Mr.
Prince," greatly alarmed us. The
following day the ministers had a friendly
conference with him, which led to their
publishing a declaration testifying against
his depending on impulses, his condemning
ministers, his going through the streets
singing, and his encouraging lay exhorters.
This declaration was signed by fourteen
ministers of Boston and Charlestown. Mr.
Davenport denounced the pastors, naming some
as unconverted, and representing the rest as
Jehoshaphat in Ahab's army, and exhorting the
people to separate from them. This, adds Mr.
Prince, put an effectual stop to the
revival.(Christian History, vol. ii. p.
407-8). The same year he was arrested and
taken before the legislature of Connecticut,
on the charge of disorderly conduct. The
Assembly judged that although his conduct had
a tendency to disturb the peace, yet as
"the said Davenport was under the
influence of enthusiastical impressions and
impulses, and thereby disordered in the
rational faculties of his mind, he is rather
to be pitied and compassionated, than to be
treated as otherwise he might be." They
therefore ordered that he should be
transported out of the colony, and handed over
to his friends. The solution here given of
Davenport's conduct, - is certainly the most
charitable. That any young man should go about
the country to examine grey-headed ministers
on their experience, denouncing such as would
not submit to his inquisition; declaring some
of the best men in the church to be
unconverted; exhorting the people to desert
their ministry ; making religion to consist in
noisy excitement, and trampling on order and
decency in the house of God, can only be
accounted for on the assumption of insanity or
wickedness. Davenport's subsequent
retractions, his altered conduct, and the
judgment of his contemporaries, are all in
favour of the former solution. After having
pursued his disorderly and destructive course
for a number of years, he was convinced of his
errors, and published a confession, in which
he acknowledged that he bad been influenced by
a false spirit in judging ministers ; in
exhorting their people to forsake their
ministry; in making impulses a rule of
conduct; in encouraging lay exhorters; and in
disorderly singing in the streets. He speaks
of the burning the books and clothes at New
London, as matter for deep and lasting
humiliation, and prays that God would guard
him from such errors in future, and stop the
progress of those who had been corrupted by
his word and example. Christian History, No.
82, 83.Gillies, vol. ii. p. 180. This latter
petition was not granted. He found it easy to
kindle the flame of fanaticism, but impossible
to quench it. "When he came," says
Mr. Fish, "to Stonington, after his
recantation, it was with such a mild,
pleasant, meek, and humble spirit, broken and
contrite, as I scarce ever saw exceeded or
equaled. He not only owned his fault in
private, and in a most Christian manner asked
forgiveness of some ministers whom he had
before treated amiss, but in a large assembly
made a public recantation of his errors and
mistakes."(Fish's sermons) This same
writer informs us, however, that those who
were ready to adore him in the time of his
false zeal, now denounced him as dead, as
having joined with the world and carnal
ministers. The work of disorder and division,
therefore, went on, little hindered by Mr.
Davenport's repentance; and the evils continue
to this day. Davenport afterwards removed to
New Jersey, and settled at Pennington, within
the bounds of the Presbytery of New Brunswick.
His remains lie in a grave-yard attached to a
small church, long since in ruins. The
censorious spirit, which so extensively
prevailed at this period, was another of those
fountains of bitter waters, which destroyed
the health and vigor of the church. That it
should characterize such acknowledged fanatics
as Davenport and his associates, is what might
be expected. It was, however, the reproach and
sin of far better men. Edwards stigmatizes it,
as the worst disease which attended the
revival, "the most contrary to the spirit
and rules of Christianity, and of the worst
consequences." Works, vol. iv. p. 238.
The evil in question
consists in regarding and treating, on
insufficient grounds, those who profess to be
Christians, as though they were hypocrites.
The only adequate ground for publicly
discrediting such profession, is the denial of
those doctrines which the Bible teaches us are
essential to true religion, or a course of
conduct incompatible with the Christian
character. There are, indeed, cases where
there is no want of orthodoxy, and no
irregularity of conduct, in which we cannot
avoid painful misgivings. But such misgivings
are no sufficient ground on which to found
either public declarations, or public
treatment of those who may be the object of
them. Does any one dare, on any such ground,
to declare a man of reputable character a
thief, or a drunkard, or to surmise away the
honour of a virtuous woman ? Such conduct is
not only a sin against God, but a penal
offence against society. Yet in no such case
is the pain inflicted, or the mischief
occasioned, comparable to what arises from
taking from a minister his character for
piety, and teaching the people to regard him
as a hypocrite. This is often done, however,
with heartless unconcern. It was by the
dreadful prevalence of this habit of
censorious judging during the revival, that
the confidence of the people in their pastors
was destroyed, their usefulness arrested,
their congregations divided, and the
fire-brands of jealousy and malice cast into
every society, and almost into every
household. It was this, more than any thing
else, that produced that conflagration in
which the graces, the peace, and union of the
church were consumed. Though this censorious
spirit prevailed most among those who had the
least reason to think themselves better than
others, it was to a lamentable degree the
failing of really good men. It is impossible
to open the journals of Whitefield without
being painfully struck, on the one hand with
the familiar confidence with which he speaks
of his own religious experience, and on the
other with the carelessness with which he
pronounces others to be godly or graceless, on
the slightest acquaintance or report. Had
these journals been the private record of his
feelings and opinions, this conduct would be
hard to excuse; but as they were intended for
the public, and actually given to the world
almost as soon as written, it constitutes a
far more serious offence. Thus he tells us, he
called on a clergyman, (giving the initials of
his name, which, under the circumstances
completely identified him,) and was kindly
received, but found "he had no
experimental knowledge of the new birth."
Such intimations are slipped off, as though
they were matters of indifference. On equally
slight grounds he passed judgment on whole
classes of men. After his rapid journey
through New England, he published to the world
his apprehension "lest many, nay most
that preach do not experimentally know
Christ." * After being six days in
Boston, he recorded his opinion, derived from
what he heard, that the state of Cambridge
college for piety and true godliness, was not
better than that of the English universities,#
which he elsewhere says, "were sunk into
mere seminaries of paganism, Christ or
Christianity being scarce so much as named
among them." Of Yale he pronounces the
same judgment, saying of it and Harvard,
"their light is now become darkness,
darkness that may be felt." A vindication
of Harvard was written by the Rev. Edward
Wigglesworth, a man "so conspicuous for
his talents, and so exemplary for every
Christian virtue," that he was
unanimously appointed the first Hollis
professor of divinity in the college. The
President of Yale, at that time, was the Rev.
Dr. Clap, an orthodox and learned man,
"exemplary for piety, and zealous for the
truth.## Whitefield was much in the habit of
speaking of ministers as being unconverted; so
that the consequence was, that in a country
where "the preaching and conversation of
far the bigger part of the ministers were
undeniably as became the gospel, such a spirit
of jealousy and evil surmising was raised by
the influence and example of a young
foreigner, that perhaps there was not a single
town," either in Massachusetts or
Connecticut, in which many of the people were
not so prejudiced against their pastors, as to
be rendered very unlikely to be benefitted by
them.§
* New England Journal,
p. 95. # Ibid. p. 12. ##Allen's American
Biographical Dictionary. § Letter to the Rev.
George Whitefield, by Edward Wigglesworth, in
the name of the faculty of Harvard College,
1743. This is the testimony of men who had
received Mr. Whitefield, on his first visit
with open arms. They add, that the effect of
his preaching and of that of Mr. Tennent, was,
that before he left New England, ministers
were commonly spoken of as pharisees and
unconverted.( Letter to the Rev. George
Whitefield, by Edward Wigglesworth, in the
name of the faculty of Harvard College, 1745,
p. 60.) The fact is, Whitefield had, in
England, got into the habit of taking it for
granted, that every minister was unconverted,
unless he had special evidence to the
contrary. This is not to be wondered at,
since, according to all contemporaneous
accounts, the great majority of the episcopal
clergy of that day did not profess to hold the
doctrines of grace, nor to believe in what
Whitefield considered experimental religion.
There was, therefore, no great harm in taking
for granted that men had not, what they did
not profess to have. When, however, he came to
New England, where the ministers still
continued to profess the faith of their
fathers, it was a great injustice to proceed
on the assumption that these claims were
false, and take it for granted that all were
graceless who had not to him exhibited
evidence to the contrary. The same excuse
cannot be made for Mr. Tennent; and as his
character was more impetuous, so his censures
were more sweeping and his denunciations more
terrible than those of Whitefield. It has been
already mentioned, that in l74O he read a
paper before the Synod of Philadelphia, to
prove that many of his brethren were
"rotten-hearted hypocrites;"
assigning reasons for that belief, which would
not have justified the exclusion of any
private member from the communion of the
church. About the same time he published his
famous sermon on an unconverted ministry,
which is one of the most terrible pieces of
denunciation in the English language. The
picture there drawn, he afterwards very
clearly intimated, (what was indeed never
doubted,) was intended for a large portion of
his own ministerial brethren. As, however,
this conduct was one of the main causes of the
schism in the Presbyterian Church, which
occurred in 1741, it will more properly come
under consideration in the following chapter.
The great sinfulness of this censorious
spirit, and his own offences in this respect,
Mr. Tennent afterwards very penitently
acknowledged. 'In a letter to President
Dickinson, dated February 12, 1742, he says,
"I have had many afflicting thoughts
about the debates which have subsisted for
some time in our Synod. I would to God the
breach were healed, were it the will of the
Almighty. As for my own part, wherein I have
mismanaged in doing what I did, I do look upon
it to be my duty, and should be willing to
acknowledge it in the openest manner. I cannot
justify the excessive heat of temper which has
sometime appeared in my conduct. I have been
of late, (since I returned from New England,)
visited with much spiritual desertion and
distresses of various kinds, coming in a thick
and almost continual succession, which have
given me a greater discovery of myself, than I
think I, ever had before. These things, with
the trial of the Moravians, have given me a
clear view of the danger of every thing which
tends to enthusiasm and division in the
visible church. I think that while the
enthusiastical Moravians, and Long-Beards, or
Pietists, are uniting their bodies, (no doubt
to increase their strength, and render
themselves more considerable,) it is a shame
that the ministers, who are in the main of
sound principles of religion, should be
divided and quarreling. Alas, for it, my soul
is sick for these things ! I wish that some
scriptural healing methods could be fallen
upon to put an end to these confusions. Some
time since I felt a, disposition to fall upon
my knees, if I had opportunity, to entreat
them to be at peace. I add no more at present,
but humble and hearty salutations; and remain,
with all due honour and respect, your poor
worthless brother in the gospel ministry.
P. S. I break open the
letter myself, to add my thoughts about some
extraordinary things in Mr. Davenport's
conduct. As to his making his judgment about
the internal state of persons, or their
experience, a term of church fellowship, I
believe it is unscriptural, and of awful
tendency to rend and tear the church. It is
bottomed upon a false base, viz. : That a
certain and infallible knowledge of the good
estate of men is attainable in this life from
their experience. The practice is
schismatical, inasmuch as it sets up a new
term of communion which Christ has not fixed.
"The late method of setting up separate
meetings upon the supposed unregeneracy of
pastors of places, is enthusiastical, proud,
and schismatical. All that fear God ought to
oppose it, as a most dangerous engine to bring
the churches into the most damnable errors and
confusions. The practice is built upon a
two-fold false hypothesis, viz. :
Infallibility of knowledge, and that
unconverted ministers will be used as
instruments of no good to the church."
The practice of openly exposing ministers who
are supposed to be unconverted, in public
discourse, by particular application of such
times and places, serves only to provoke them,
instead of doing them any good, and to declare
our own arrogance. It is an unprecedented,
divisive, and pernicious practice. It is
lording it over our brethren to a degree
superior to what any prelate has pretended
since the coming of Christ, so far as I know,
the pope only excepted; though I really do not
remember to have read that the pope went on at
this rate.
"The sending out of
unlearned men to teach others, upon the
supposition of their piety, in ordinary cases,
seems to bring the ministry into contempt; to
cherish enthusiasm, and bring all into
confusion. Whatever fair face it may have, it
is a most perverse practice. The practice of
singing in the streets is a piece of weakness
and enthusiastical ostentation. "I wish
you success, dear sir, in your journey; my
soul is grieved for such enthusiastical
fooleries. They portend much mischief to the
poor church of God, if they be not seasonably
checked. May your labors be blest for that
end. I must also express my abhorrence of all
pretence to immediate inspiration, or
following immediate impulses, as an
enthusiastical perilous ignis fatuus."
(The above letter was printed in the
Pennsylvania Gazette, August 12, 1742; and
transcribed into Mr. Hazard's MSS). A few
years later, when the evils arising from the
rash denunciation of professing Christians and
ministers had become more apparent, Mr.
Tennent protested against it in the strongest
terms. "It is cruel and censorious
judging," he says, "to condemn the
state of those we know not, and to condemn
positively and openly the spiritual state of
such as are sound in fundamental doctrines and
regular in life. The way to obtain quickening
grace is the path of duty, and not the
scandalous practice of that God-provoking,
church-rending iniquity, rash judging. This
may quicken indeed, but not to any thing good,
but to backbiting, slandering, wrath, and
malignity, and all manner of mischiefs Oh that
a gracious God would open the eyes of the
children of men, to see the inexpressible
baseness and horrors of this detestable
impiety, which is pregnant with innumerable
evils."( Irenicum, or Plea for the Peace
of Jerusalem, by Gilbert Tennent.
Philadelphia, 1749, p. 90) He even denies the
right of any man to judge of the spiritual
state of others on the ground of their inward
experience, or to make such judgment the
ground of his public conduct towards them.
"The terms of Christian fellowship,"
he says, "which God has fixed, are
soundness in the main doctrines of religion,
and a regular life. I know of no passage of
the Bible that proves converting grace, or the
church's judgment of it, to be a term of
Christian communion, of divine
appointment."# And in another place, he
says, "I desire to know where Almighty
God has given any of the children of men the
right to inspect into the spiritual
experiences of others, so as to make our
judgment of them, abstract from their doctrine
and life, the ground of our opinion concerning
the state of their souls, and of our public
conduct towards them. For my part, I know of
no place in Scripture which gives such a power
to any of the sons of men, and much less to
every man."## # Ibid. p. 79.## Ibid. p.
55. -On page 79, he has the following note:
"I cannot find that the Christians of the
first three centuries after Christ, made
gracious experiences, or the church's judgment
about them, terms of communion. They made no
inquiries about them as to baptism, and all
that were baptized, and of adult age and free
from church censure, were admitted to the
sacrament." A few years before, he
charged some of his brethren with acting on
this principle (though they denied it), and
made it one of his most prominent reasons for
believing them to be unconverted. See the
paper which was read before the Synod in 1740.
Yet this good man allowed himself publicly to
denounce as graceless, multitudes of his
brethren, whom he admitted to be sound in the
faith and orderly in their lives, and thus
greatly aided in producing that state of
confusion and strife which he afterwards so
strenuously labored to correct. The extent to
which the sin of censoriousness prevailed
during this revival, may be inferred, not only
from the complaints of those who were
unrighteously condemned, but from the
frequency with which it was testified against
by the best friends of religion, and the
confessions of those who had most grievously
offended in this respect. One great evil of
this spirit is, that it is contagious, and in
a sense, hereditary. That is, there always
will be men disposed to rake up the sins and
errors of these pious denouncers; and on the
score of these deformities, to proclaim
themselves the Tennents and Whitefields of
their own generation. If the fruit of the
Spirit of God is love, joy, peace,
long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith,
meekness, then may we be sure that a proud,
arrogant, denunciatory, self-confident, and
self-righteous spirit is not of God; and that
any work which claims to be a revival of
religion, and is characterized by such a
spirit, is so far spurious and fanatical. All
attempts to account for, or excuse such a
temper on the ground of uncommon
manifestations, or uncommon hatred of sin, or
extraordinary zeal for holiness and the
salvation of souls, are but apologies for sin.
The clearer our apprehensions of God, the
greater will be our reverence and humility ;
the more distinct our views of eternal things,
the greater will be our solemnity and
carefulness; the more we know of sin, of our
own hearts, and of Jesus Christ, the more
shall we be forbearing, forgiving, and
lamb-like, in our disposition and conduct.
"Gracious actions do not tend to make men
bold, noisy, and boisterous, but rather to
speak trembling. When Ephraim spake trembling,
he exalted himself in Israel."* Edwards
on the Affections, p. 393. The evidence from
Scripture is full and abundant, that those who
are truly gracious are under the government of
the lamb-like, dove-like Spirit of Jesus
Christ, and this is essentially and eminently
the nature of the saving grace of the gospel,
and the proper spirit of true Christianity. We
may therefore undoubtedly determine that all
truly Christian affections are attended with
this spirit, that this is the natural tendency
of the fear and hope, the sorrow and joy, the
confidence and zeal of true Christians."
(Edwards on the Affections, p. 387) Another of
the evils of this period of excitement, was
the disregard shown to the common rules of
ecclesiastical order, especially in the course
pursued by itinerant preachers and lay
exhorters. With respect to the former, no one
complained of regularly ordained ministers
acting the part of evangelists; that is, of
their going to destitute places, and preaching
the gospel to those who would not otherwise
have an opportunity of hearing it. The thing
complained of was, that these itinerants came
into parishes of settled ministers, and
without their knowledge, or against their
wishes, insisted on preaching to the people.
This was a thing of very frequent, almost
daily occurrence, and was a fruitful source of
heart-burnings and divisions. It is the plain
doctrine of the Scriptures and the common
understanding of the Christian church, that
the pastoral relation is of divine
appointment. Ministers are commanded to take
heed to the flocks over which the Holy Ghost
has made them overseers. If the Holy Ghost has
made one man an overseer of a flock, what
right has another man to interfere with his
charge ? This relation not only imposes
duties, but it also confers rights. It imposes
the duties of teaching and governing; of
watching for souls as those who must give an
account. It confers the right to claim
obedience as spiritual instructors and
governors. Hence the people are commanded to
obey them that have the rule over them, and to
submit themselves. They have indeed the right
to select their pastor, but having selected
him, they are bound by the authority of God,
to submit to him as such. They have moreover,
in extreme cases, the right to desert, or
discard him ; as a wife has in extreme cases,
the right to leave her husband, or a child to
renounce the authority of a parent. But this
cannot be done for slight reasons, without
offending God. In like manner, as a stranger
has a right, in extreme cases, to take a child
from the control and instruction of a father,
or withdraw a wife from the authority and
custody of her husband, so also there are
cases, in which he may interfere between
pastor and his people. Interference in any one
of these cases, is a violation of divinely
recognized rights; and to be innocent, must,
in every instance, have an adequate
justification. Mr. Tennent admitted these
principles to their fullest extent he
justified his conduct and that of his
associates, on the ground that the ordinary
rules of ecclesiastical order cease to be
obligatory in times of general declension.*
When the majority of ministers are unconverted
men, and contentedly unsuccessful in their
work, it was, he maintained, the right of any
one who could, to preach the gospel to their
people, and the duty of the people to forsake
the ministrations of their pastors. Admitting
the correctness of this principle, when can it
be properly applied? When may it be lawfully
taken for granted, that a minister is
unconverted and unfit for his office ?
According to Tennent's own sober and
deliberate judgment, this could be rightfully
done only when he either rejected some
fundamental doctrine, or was immoral in his
conduct. And even when this was the case, the
obviously correct course would be, to endeavor
to have him removed from office by a competent
authority. Not until this had been proved to
be impossible, would any man be justified in
trampling upon the rights of a brother
minister. The conduct of Mr. Tennent and that
of his associates, cannot stand the test of
his own principles. They not only made no
effort to have those ministers removed from
office, whom they regarded as unregenerate or
unfaithful, but they chose to assume them to
be unconverted, and on the ground of that
assumption, to enter their congregations, and
to exhort the people to forsake their
ministry, though they admitted them to be
sound in all the main articles of religion,
and regular in their lives. *Speaking of such
rules, which he had enforced with great
earnestness in his discourse against the
Moravians, he says, in vindication of his
consistency, "On the supposition that a
number of ministers are either unsound in
doctrine, or unfaithful ,and contentedly
unsuccessful in their work, then is it not
lawful to suspend the aforesaid rules for a
season? Remarks on the Protest, by which the
members of the New Brunswick Presbytery were
excluded from Synod. This disorderly course
was, in many cases, productive of shameful
conflicts, and was in general one of the most
crying evils of the times. Whitefield far
out-did Mr. Tennent, as to this point. He
admitted none of the principles which Mr.
Tennent believed, in ordinary times, ought to
be held sacred. He assumed the right, in
virtue of his ordination, to preach the gospel
wherever he bad an opportunity, "even
though it should be in a place where officers
were already settled, and the gospel was fully
and faithfully preached. This, I humbly
apprehend," he adds, "is every
gospel minister's indisputable
privilege."* It mattered not whether the
pastors who thus fully and faithfully preached
the gospel, were willing to consent to the
intrusion of the itinerant evangelist or not.
"If pulpits should be shut," he
says, "blessed be God, the fields are
open, and I can go without the camp, bearing
the Redeemer's reproach. This I glory in;
believing if I suffer for it, I suffer for
righteous- ness' sake."# If Whitefield
had the right here claimed, then of course
Davenport had it, and so every fanatic and
errorist has it. This doctrine is entirely
inconsistent with what the Bible teaches of
the nature of the pastoral relation, and with
every form of ecclesiastical government,
episcopal, presbyterian, or congregational.
Whatever plausible pretenses may be urged in
its favour, it has never been acted upon
without producing the greatest practical
evils. As soon as this habit of itinerant
preaching within the bounds of settled
congregations, began to prevail, it excited a
lively opposition. The Synod of Philadelphia
twice unanimously resolved that no minister
should preach in any congregation without the
consent of the presbytery to which the
congregation belonged.## As soon, however, as
the revival fairly commenced, Mr. Tennent and
his associates refused to be bound b the rule
; and, for the sake of peace, it was given up.
The legislature of Connecticut made it penal
for any minister to preach within the bounds
of the parish of another minister, unless duly
invited by the pastor and people.§
* Whitefield's letter to
the president, professors, &e. of Harvard
College. Boston, 1745: p. 17. # Ibid. p. 22.
##See Part First of this History, p. 206. §
Trumbull's Connecticut, vol. ii. p. 162. The
General Association of Connecticut, in 1742,
after giving thanks for the revival, bear
their testimony against "ministers
disorderly intruding into other ministers'
parishes." *The convention of ministers
of Massachusetts, in 1743, declared this kind
of itinerant preaching, "without the
knowledge, or against the leave of settled
pastors," to be "a breach of order,
and contrary to the Scriptures, and the
sentiments of our fathers, expressed in their
Platform of Church Discipline."# And the
assembly of pastors held at Boston, July,
1743, in their testimony in behalf of the
revival, express it as their judgment
"that ministers do not invade the
province of others, and, in ordinary cases,
preach in another's parish, without his
knowledge and consent."## Notwithstanding
this general concurrence among the friends of
religion, in condemning this disorderly
practice, it prevailed to a great extent, and
resulted in dividing congregations, unsettling
ministers, and introducing endless contentions
and confusion. As to lay preaching, though of
frequent occurrence, it found little favour
with any but the openly fanatical. Tennent in
a letter to Edwards, written probably in the
autumn of 1741, says, "As to the subject
you mentioned, of laymen being sent out to
exhort and teach, supposing them to be real
converts, I cannot but think, if it be
encouraged and continued, it will be of
dreadful consequence to the church's peace and
soundness in the faith. It is base
presumption, whatever zeal be pretended to,
notwithstanding, for any persons to take this
honour to themselves, unless they be called of
God, as was Aaron.
* Trumbull's
Connecticut, vol. ii. p. 173.#Testimony of the
pastors of churches in the province of
Massachusetts Bay, at their annual convention
in Boston, May 25, 1743, pages 6, 7. ## Some
of the ministers present on that occasion
signed this testimony and advice as to the
substance merely, which Mr. Prince informs us
was owing principally to the clause above
cited. Some of the pastors thought that it was
not explicit enough against the practice which
it condemned, while others thought it might
"be perverted to the great infringement
of Christian and human liberty."
-Christian History, vol. I. p. 198. I know
most young zealots are apt, through ignorance,
inconsideration, and pride of heart, to
undertake what they have no proper
qualifications for; and through their
imprudence and enthusiasm the church of God
suffers. I think all that fear God should rise
and crush the enthusiastic creature in the
egg. Dear brother, the times are dangerous.
The churches in America and elsewhere are in
great danger of enthusiasm; we need to think
of the maxim principiis obsta."( Life
of Edwards,-, p. 153) This irregularity
was freely condemned also by the association
of Connecticut, the convention of
Massachusetts, and the assembly of pastors in
Boston, in the documents already referred to.
Yet it was through the influence of these lay
exhorters, encouraged by a few such ministers
as Davenport, and Mr. Park, of Westerly, Rhode
Island,(See
Gillies, vol. ii. p. 292) that fanaticism
and false religion were most effectually
promoted among the churches. This is a
formidable array of evils. Yet as the friends
of the revival testify to their existence, no
conscientious historian dare either conceal or
extenuate them. There was too little
discrimination between true and false
religious feeling. There was too much
encouragement given to outcries, faintings,
and bodily agitations, as probable evidence of
the presence and power of God. There was, in
many, too much reliance on impulses, visions,
and the pretended power of discerning spirits.
There was a great deal of censoriousness, and
of a sinful disregard of ecclesiastical order.
The disastrous effects of these evils, the
rapid spread of false religion, the dishonor
and decline of true piety, the prevalence of
erroneous doctrines, the division of
congregations, the alienation of Christians,
and the long period of subsequent deadness in
the church, stand up as a solemn warning to
Christians, and especially to Christian
Ministers in all times to come. It was thus,
in the strong language of Edwards, the devil
prevailed against the revival. "It is by
this means that the daughter of Zion in this
land, now lies in such piteous circumstances,
with her garments rent, her face disfigured,
her nakedness exposed, her limbs broken, and
weltering in the blood of her own wounds, and
in nowise able to rise, and this so soon after
her late great joys and hopes."(Preface
to his Treatise on the Affections, written in
1746. Though this, being true, should be known
and well considered, that the guilt and danger
of propagating false religion and spurious
excitement may be understood, yet we are not
to forget or undervalue the great good which
was then accomplished. In many places there
was little of these evils, especially in New
Jersey and Virginia. Dickinson and Davies
successfully resisted their inroads within the
sphere of their influence. And in many other
places the soundness of the doctrines taught,
the experience detailed, and the permanent
effects produced, abundantly attest the
genuineness of the revival. To the
Presbyterian Church, particularly, it was the
commencement of a new life, the vigor of which
is still felt in all her veins.)
Source:
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